Commentary
Most people hesitate when the word “suicide” comes up. Parents worry about saying the wrong thing. Teachers worry about planting ideas. Online platforms step in with warnings, blurred screens, and hotline banners. Suicide is treated as a subject that must be handled delicately, if it is discussed at all.
This caution is often justified as a form of protection, especially for the young. It is also reinforced institutionally. We rarely hear about it, but journalistic guidelines discourage detailed discussion, schools are instructed to avoid direct language, and digital platforms tightly manage how the topic appears. Over time, this has created a shared understanding that suicide is too dangerous to talk about openly.
And yet, in December, Illinois joined a growing number of U.S. states in legalizing what it calls “medical aid in dying,” allowing certain adults with terminal diagnoses to receive medication to end their lives under regulated conditions. The law was debated and explained in careful language. Press releases spoke of dignity, and advocates spoke of compassion, while officials emphasized safeguards and eligibility criteria designed to ensure that the process was controlled.
Illinois’s law is not unusual. Similar policies have been adopted gradually across the country over the past decades. What is striking is not how rare these laws are, but how little they are discussed alongside the broader suicide crisis. For many people, Illinois’s decision feels new simply because the subject itself has remained largely out of public conversation.
This creates a tension that is hard to ignore. Suicide is treated as something too risky to discuss openly, while a particular form of it is organized through law, medicine, and policy. That tension forces a basic question into view: What do we mean when we talk about suicide?
At the level of lived human experience, the act itself does not change regardless of the policy description. A person, overwhelmed by suffering, chooses to end his or her life. What changes is how society describes that act, who is given legal permission to choose it, and what meaning is assigned to suffering along the way.
Suicide in the United States is not rare. Rates have risen steadily over the past two decades. Among teenagers and young adults, it has become one of the leading causes of death. Families often describe the same shock after a loss, saying they did not realize how much pain their child was carrying or that nothing had seemed obviously wrong.
When young people take their own lives, the language is urgent and grave. We speak of warning signs, prevention, and intervention. These deaths are described as tragic and senseless, something that must never happen again. When terminally ill adults seek death, the language shifts. We speak of choice, relief, and dignity. The decision is explained calmly and placed within the context of medical rules and legal procedures.
In both situations, the underlying impulse is the same: the desire to end suffering. For young people, that suffering may be emotional, psychological, or social. For the terminally ill, it may be physical or existential. The circumstances differ, but the human motivation does not.
What has shifted in modern culture is not the presence of suffering, but rather our confidence in how to respond to it.
For most of human history, suffering was not treated as evidence that life had lost its value. Ancient Greek tragedies assumed that wisdom emerged through pain. Christianity teaches that suffering can shape the soul. Buddhism recognizes suffering as universal. Across many indigenous cultures, pain marks transition and responsibility rather than failure. These traditions neither denied suffering nor glorified it. They assumed that it was part of life and that enduring it, particularly within the support of a community, was meaningful.
Modern society has grown far less certain about the value or purpose of suffering. Suffering is increasingly treated as a technical problem to be solved, and the community is rarely considered as a valuable contributor to easing one’s suffering. This shift tracks closely with the rise of modern medicine and technology.
As societies became more capable of treating pain, prolonging life, and solving physical problems, suffering increasingly came to be seen not as a condition to endure or learn from, but as a failure to be corrected.
Illinois did not create this change. Canada is already offering a clear example of how this unfolds. There, a medical assistance in dying program began with narrow limits and firm assurances that it would not expand. Over time, those limits loosened, and the public conversation shifted. Instead of asking whether ending life should ever be an answer to suffering, debate moved toward questions about where the new line should be drawn.
These kinds of changes happen incrementally, through small steps, each reasoned as careful and compassionate. Along the way, language changes. Suicide is given a new name, decisions are placed inside new guidelines, and eligibility is defined. What once felt like a grave moral choice starts to look like a process handled through forms, reviews, and approvals.
Young people grow up inside this contradiction. They are taught that suicide is too dangerous to talk about openly while also seeing that, under certain conditions, choosing death is treated as understandable or even kind. No one spells this out directly. It is absorbed through what is allowed to be discussed and regulated, and what is not.
When a society finds it easier to manage suicide through policy than to speak about it honestly, the issue is no longer just legal or medical. It becomes a question of how suffering is understood, whether life is still seen as valuable when it becomes painful, and how much responsibility we believe we owe one another when someone is hurting.
These are the questions that Illinois has brought into focus: Why is suicide treated as something too risky to discuss openly, yet orderly enough to regulate? What are we teaching people—young and old—about suffering and about the worth of life when it is hardest to live?
One answer may be simpler—and harder—than policy. It may begin with restoring our willingness to talk honestly about pain rather than managing it at a distance. Not every form of suffering can be cured, but much of it can be shared. A culture that remembers how to respond to suffering—without rushing to fix it, rename it, or escape it—may be better equipped to care for people who feel overwhelmed by it.
Views expressed in this article are the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.





















